Palacky's Idea of the Czech Nation

Facts

Masaryk's thinking about Czech history is well illustrated by the essay Palackeho idea naroda ceskeho (Palacky's Idea of the Czech Nation). The essay appeared originally as an article in the journal Nase doba in 1898. A German translation, prepared probably by Masaryk himself, was published in 1899. The first Czech edition in book form appeared in 1912, and was followed by two other editions in 1926 and 1947. Frantisek Palacky (1798- 1876), the author of the monumental Dejiny narodu ceskeho (History of the Czech Nation) and leader of the Czech revival in the nineteenth century, was regarded by Masaryk as his "political teacher". However, Masaryk's admiration for the great scholar was not uncritical. Re-evaluating Palacky's legacy, Masaryk evolved his own concept of Czech history, less romantic, but firmly based in religious convictions.

Quotes

According to Palacky, until the year 1848 the state was a centralised entity. Through its centralising power, which also gave rise to absolutism, the state performed a useful function in organising a large part of mankind into a single unit. Once this task had been accomplished, however, the time had come for new social and governmental structures. To combat centralism new cultural forces came into being, primarily public opinion and nationalism. Centralism must abdicate in favor of the federation of nations.

Palacky believed that the nation and nationality were higher forms of organisation than the state. The nation as a unit constituted for Palacky a moral and legal entity. By nationality he understood the consciousness of moral and legal obligations and common awareness of political aspirations. For Palacky, nationality had its full justification in the humanist idea. The humanist concept implies not only the equality of individuals but also of nations as natural entities. The humanist idea, being the foundation and legitimisation of the national idea, is intrinsically on a higher plane: `In spite of all my fervent love for my nation, I nevertheless place human and scientific values above national values.' In practice, it is not always easy to make such distinctions and to give to nation and humanity their exact due; Palacky, too, erred more than once in this respect.

In his letter to the Frankfurt diet, Palacky cited the progress of humanity and culture in demanding equality between Slav and German. In his manifesto to the Slavic Congress, he invoked the French slogan of liberty, equality, and fraternity for `everybody living in our state,' demanding on this basis `complete equality for all nationalities, regardless of size or political power'.

In appealing to the ideals of the French Revolution, Palacky maintained that these ideals were consistent with those of ancient Slavic democracy and were simple extensions of the main Christian doctrine. As far as the latter is concerned, Palacky was more correct than he knew, for recent research has confirmed that the doctrine of human rights had its roots in the Reformation.

On the other hand, the concept that the Slavs had a special propensity for democracy requires correction. Here, Palacky indulged in that exaggeration which was typical of all contemporary national philosophies. In spite of his keen critical faculties, Palacky spoke with that Kollar-like Slavic enthusiasm that seized him after the first failures of the constitutional programme and that led him to adopt `Slavic cosmopolitanism' - a grandiose idea that Havlicek tried to replace by a truly conscious and carefully thought out Czech Slavicism. Of course, we must not forget what Palacky himself said in 1873, in his well-known answer to Professor Makushev of Warsaw: `If a time ever comes when we must cease being Czechs, then it will be a matter of complete indifference to us whether we become Germans, Italians, Hungarians, or Russians.' In the Epilogue, too, where Palacky praised allegiance to Slavic sentiments and mutual devotion between Russians and Czechs, he warned against exaggeration and extravagance, such as the notion that all Slavs should Russify themselves as quickly as possible.

In the midst of the current crisis, Palacky's thought should lead us to search our national conscience. Are we acting according to Palacky's Czech idea? Are we furthering this idea?

Palacky showed us that our Czech idea is truly a world idea, an existential question, the most existential of all: it is the idea that the relation of man to man, of nation to nation, must be determined in the most profound possible sense, sub specie aeternitatis.

The nation of the Brethren must ever yearn for the infinite. This is the testament of our fathers, and in their spirit it is the testament of the father of our country, Frantisek Palacky.